Thailand

MDG 3:  Promote Gender Equality and Empower Woman

Disclaimer: Some of the MDG data presented in this website have been adjusted by the responsible specialized agencies to ensure international comparability, in compliance with their shared mandate to assess progress towards the MDGs at the regional and global levels.^[1]

Indicators (United Nations)

3.1  Ratios of girls to boys in education

Ø  2000: 0.98^[2]

Ø  2005: 0.97^[3]

Ø  2009: 0.98^[4]

1. Secondary: 

Ø  2001: 0.97^[5]

Ø  2005: 1.06^[6]

Ø  2009: 1.09^[7]

1. Tertiary:

Ø  2000: 1.17^[8]

Ø  2005: 1.13^[9]

Ø  2009: 1.24^[10]

3.2 Share of women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector

1. 2000: 44.1^[11]
2. 2005: 45.4^[12]
3. 2009: 45.4^[13]               

Women actively participate in both agricultural and non-agricultural sector. However, despite the fact that women get their higher education and perform better in schools, they have fewer opportunities in career development.

Critical Indicators to monitor labour force participation

      3.2.1 Labour Force Participation:

1. Female Economic Activity rate: 65.6%^[14]
2. Change in Economic Activity Rate using index (1990 = 100) 2005: 87^[15]
3. As % of male rate 2005: 81%^[16]

3.3 Proportion of seats held by women in national parliament

1. 2000: 5.6^[17]
2. 2005: 8.8^[18]
3. 2010: 13.3^[19]   

In terms of political participation and seats held by women in the national parliament, Thailand has fared poorly. “Although women are increasingly aware of their participation as politicians and administrators to lay down policies and implement them, and political parties have tried harder to look for female candidates at the national level, in reality it is harder for women to decide to enter [the] political arena. Female candidates and election winners at both national and local levels (except in the Bangkok Metropolitan City Council) still represent a small proportion, no more than 10 percent. There are both external opportunities and obstacles, such as the political selection process, the one-man-one-vote election system and social values, and internal factors as mentioned above that put women in [a] disadvantaged position [compared] with men.”

Critical indicators to monitor women’s legislation

3.1.1      Laws on equality; protecting women from violence^[20]:

a.            Domestic Violence:  Protection of Domestic Violence Victims act B.E. 2550 (2007)

b.            Anti-Rape: Penal Code Governs the crime of rape

c.            Anti-Marital Rape: Criminal Code Amendment Act no. 19 B.E. 2550 (2007)

d.            Anti-Sexual Harassment: Labour Protection Act (Amended 2008)

e.            Anti-Trafficking: Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Act B.E. 2551 (2008)

Despite the number of laws to protect the bodily rights and dignity of women, different forms of violence against women prevails in the Thai society. Again, the implementation of the laws is vastly different from the law itself. There are many laws relating to sex work: the Contagious Disease Act of 1908, the Entertainment Places Act of 1966 and the Prostitution Suppression Act of 1966. The Prostitution Prevention and Suppression Act of 1996 replaced the 1966 act. The new law criminalizes the selling of sexual services whereas the previous law stopped at penalizing soliciting for prostitution. The new law includes male sex workers and is intended to punish those involved in the sexual exploitation of minors. According to one source: “The new law is not expected to have much impact on the sex industry… it will most likely provide the basis for habitual extortion from sex establishments and sex workers on the part of the police. Sex workers fear contact with the police, which may include demands for cash or sexual favours, or detention in a rehabilitation centre which is regarded as little different from a prison. In Thailand, “sexual harassment against women both physical and verbal also continues in offices, factories, public places and among domestic workers, most of whom have not been treated fairly by employers.^[21]

3.3.2 National Machineries on Women:

3.4 Additional, critical indicators for gender equality with regards to sexual and reproductive health and rights

The third MDG deals with the status of women in society and aims to promote gender equality and empower women.

However achievement of gender equality is not only about sending girls to school, women to the workplace and to parliament.

Everyday, many women continue to face inequalities and inequities within the family and society that they live in.

Many issues of sexual and reproductive health and rights are in essence gender equality issues as well as health issues. Sexual and reproductive health outcomes are results of power inequalities which have a negative impact on women’s health.

Issues of contraception such as male participation in contraception and spousal opposition to contraception (which is addressed in the MDG 5 pages) are gender issues.

Maternal deaths is a demonstratable issue of gender inequality. And as only women ‘can die’ from maternal deaths, a lack of access to life-saving procedures and medicines can amount to ‘discrimination’.

Violence is a reflection of power inequalities in society and comparably more women then men continue to be targets. Violence against women often results in physical and mental ill-health as well as death.

Recognition of women’s autonomy over her sexual life and her sexuality is also unequal to that of men, and can result in both sexual and reproductive ill-health for women.

However, all of these issues are addressed neither in the goal on gender equality nor in the goal on maternal and reproductive health. We have tried to incorporate some perspectives on these on the pages on MDG 3 & 5.

One such critical indicator for which data is readily available is:

3.4.1 Male Contraception as % of total contraception:

1. Condom Users as proportion of all contraceptive users is 1.95%^[24]
2. Vasectomy as proportion of all contraceptive users is 1.39%^[25]